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"Social justice" and equality.

SOCIAL JUSTICE - a concept used to denote the institutional dimension of justice.

Ideal S.s. is such a system public institutions, which is not in single actions, but in its very structure, which means that it constantly ensures a fair distribution of socio-political rights and material benefits.

A variety of approaches to the problem of social justice is determined by value priorities general concept justice, which can be understood as predominantly:

1. equality;

2. proportionality to merit

3. guarantees of inalienable rights to own something.

1. Corresponding to the first interpretation is the long history of a strictly egalitarian concept of social justice and the revisionist liberalism and radical egalitarianism formulated in the modern Western intellectual tradition.

The non-socialist leveling concept corresponds to the Rousseauist ideal of equal small property in a society where "no citizen should be so rich as to be able to buy another, and none so poor as to be forced to sell himself" (J.-J. Rousseau / 1712-1778/).

The socialist version of social justice presupposes the socialization of property, which means the transfer of the center of gravity of distributive policy to the area of equal distribution of the jointly produced product.

At the same time, the fundamental difference between equality and equal rights is consciously or intuitively eliminated.

Revisionist liberalism (ancestors - D. Dewey (1859-1952), L.T. Hobhouse), in contrast to classical liberalism, proceeds from the impossibility of real legal and political equality and even equality outside egalitarian events in other social spheres. After all, too much unevenness in the distribution of wealth gives rise to the dependence of the poor on the employer, and in the presence of democratic procedures, wealth is easily converted into unlimited power.

2. The second circle of theories of social justice is meritocratic concepts - the principle of management, according to which leadership positions should be occupied by the most capable people regardless of their social background and financial wealth.

The parameters of success are: talents, efforts, risk taking, role in achieving the final result.

Supporters of the meritocratic understanding of social justice (for example, Z. Brzezinski) believe that it makes no sense for the owner of natural talents to prove the merit of the natural basis of their own merits, because they still could not become a reality without purposeful, responsible activity. Therefore, the egalitarian concepts of social justice are comprehended within this tradition as a justification for the "slavery of the gifted and industrious."

3. The third, libertarian, tradition is based on the understanding of S.S. as observance of inalienable rights to certain property, which is perceived as an organic part of the personality and, therefore, cannot be turned into a means of solving social problems (such is R. Nozick's "justice based on authority"). However, libertarian concepts can only formally be attributed to the theories of S.S. since the libertarians themselves believe that this concept is based on "template" (according to Nozick) or "constructivist" and "atavistic" (according to F.A. von Hayek) distribution models, which means that it is absolutely unacceptable and even dangerous (cf.: "Mirage S.S." by von Hayek).

SOCIAL EQUALITY - a concept that denotes the same social status of people belonging to different social classes and groups.

SR idea. as a principle of the organization of society in different historical epochs was understood differently. The philosophy of the ancient world, starting with Plato, tried to solve the problem of choosing between equality and estate privileges through the formula "To each his own": equality within each estate and inequality of estates among themselves. In the Christian philosophy of medieval Europe, equality was a religious norm that determined people's attitude to God ("everyone is equal before God") and had nothing to do with class inequality in society. But already in the social utopias of the Renaissance and in the philosophy of the Enlightenment, the idea of SR. acquires a secular character, the question of the natural equality of people is raised. During the formation of bourgeois society, this thesis was adopted by progressive ideologists, and the ideas of "freedom, equality and brotherhood" were opposed to the feudal-estate world order. There was a real revolution in people's views on the content of the principle "to each according to his deeds": the assessment of merit and, accordingly, the distribution of benefits was no longer determined by the individual's belonging to one group or another, but by his personal qualities and merits. These ideas were reflected in the "Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen" in France and in Peter's "Table of Ranks" in Russia. The line between groups (estates and classes) has now become only factual, not legal. The main emphasis was placed on the equality of all citizens before the law in terms of equality of civil liberties and formally equal opportunities to succeed. SR idea. gradually takes the form of the principle "to each according to his capital". Capital, the possession of it, becomes at the same time the main condition for inequality, in which people have unequal access to such social benefits as money, power and prestige. In the 19th century many social philosophers, beginning with Saint-Simon, Tocqueville with his famous book "Democracy in America", began to point to a clear trend towards a significant increase in equality at higher levels of industrial development. Modern social concepts affecting the problem of SR. and inequality, can be divided into two areas rather conditionally: 1) concepts that defend the thesis that inequality is a natural way for society to survive - theories of functionalism (Durkheim, K. Davis, V. Moore, etc.), the theory of status groups by M. Weber and etc. ; 2) concepts that state that it is possible to establish SR. and to eliminate or reduce to a minimum economic inequality through social revolutions or through the reorganization of the economic and social systems. These include Marx's theory of classes, various social democratic theories (democratic, ethical, cooperative socialism, etc.), theories of the "welfare state".

HUMAN RIGHTS - opportunities, powers, potency of human actions in a certain area specified in the law.

Civil rights include: the right to life; the right to freedom, personal integrity, freedom from cruelty; the right to inviolability of personal and family life; the right to free movement; the right to citizenship; the right to be protected by the law. Political rights include: the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association; the right to participate in the administration of state affairs. Among the economic rights: the right to property; the right to work and rest. social rights include: the right to family life, the right to an adequate standard of living. Cultural rights include: the right to education; the right to participate in cultural life.

The concept of "Human Rights" is one of the central social sciences. It has its ideological roots in ancient philosophy and Christianity, but began to assert itself in social life only in the 17th and 18th centuries, during the formation of capitalism.

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Introduction

Not a single moral value inspires confidence among the people, like justice. Russian people have long believed that justice originates in compassion and pity for the weak, and that equality is the first step towards its establishment. He always instinctively believed that without equality, freedom is also impossible. For him, freedom in equality is justice. Equality is the starting point of the movement towards justice. Equality creates the basis for common interests. And also considered 2500 years ago. millennial moral values the civilized world has not been eroded. In Plato’s Gorgias, Socrates, arguing with the layman, asks: “Does the majority not hold the opinion that justice is equality and that it is more shameful to do injustice than to endure it?” Justice is not a formal equality of opportunity, as some of our liberals preach. Rich and poor cannot have equal opportunity. The theory of formal "equality of opportunity" was created in order to justify in the public mind the actual social inequality.

Socialequalityyours and social justice

Justice is the negation of social inequality. At every step you come across the fact that equality unites people, while inequality divides them and sows envy and hatred among them. The growth of crimes and the moral degradation of people are caused by the growth of the wealth of some and the growth of poverty of others - "humiliated and insulted." Poverty is the mother of crimes, the ancients said. This is once again proved by modern Russia, which claims the palm of superiority due to rampant crime. It is impossible to defeat crime without moving towards social equality and establishing relations of social justice.

The first of the passions engendered by property is greed, a disgusting human vice. We can safely assume that in a world corrupted by property, there are even fewer non-greedy people than disinterested ones. Therefore, not to be greedy, the noble people of the past considered, there is already wealth. Today's Russia clearly shows that the biggest crimes are committed because of the division of property. Privatization completely demoralized the country, made it a country of total corruption and organized crime. The country is obsessed with the desire to acquire wealth by any means. The unbridled depravity of the nouveau riche reigns. In the public mind, the concept of "businessman" began to be identified with the concept of "thief". Age-old wisdom asserts: if the costs of radical transformations exceed their results and put society on the brink of social upheaval, then the transformations must be stopped for the sake of saving the nation and other, gradual transformations should be found, preparing the public consciousness for their acceptance. Sooner or later, the consequences of radicalism have to be paid heavily.

Property, Aristotle taught, presupposes a master and a slave. That's the whole point. An immoral, greedy person wants to be a master and have slaves. Property, especially large property, produces people with low souls, who have always disgusted people with high souls. The moral of modern Russian big proprietors is perhaps best expressed in the words of Goethe: “I rob to get richer. Everything else is nonsense." The French moralist Jean de La Bruyère, having discovered the type of people generated by the developing bourgeoisie in his time, did not stint on describing the impression they made on him: high people love glory and virtue. Their only consolation is to acquire everything and lose nothing: only one thing is interesting and important for them - to place money out of ten per annum: they ... are always immersed in contracts, bills and other documents. You can't call them fathers, or citizens, or friends, or Christians. They probably aren't even human. But they have money." That's it. Everything bows to the power of money. Therefore, the interests of profit are much more energetic than the sermons of the humanists and their intentions. In the 1990s, conscience was recognized as the enemy of entrepreneurship. It was announced that the time had come for the rule of the strong, who knew how to make money by any means without remorse. From now on, as a certain publicist in the Izvestia newspaper put it, one will be bagels, and the other holes from bagels. The strong, that is, the immoral, arranged life in this way. It is not surprising that the people did not recognize the new system as fair, and therefore viable. The attitude of the people towards new system is her Achilles heel. This system does not withstand ethical criticism. Russian thinker Nikolai Berdyaev, studying the psychology of ordinary Russian people, came to the conclusion that they are socialists by instinct. I don't think he was wrong. An intelligent man, the writer Benjamin Constant, taught by the cruelties of the French Revolution, instructed those in power at the beginning of the 19th century: “Be fair, I always said to people who have power. Be just, whatever happens, for if you cannot rule with justice, you will not last long." For centuries, thinkers have developed this kind of thought. With the greatest force they were formulated in policies Ancient Greece who died from the moral decay of society by social inequality. “Only then can the state consider its position strong if its policy is based on justice,” Demosthenes tried to convince, but in vain, his decomposing fellow citizens. Otherwise, it will perish from greed, he said. And so it happened. “The public good,” Aristotle taught, “is justice, that is, that which serves the common good.” Thinkers of antiquity argued that the implementation of the principle of justice should take precedence over any political, economic, social considerations and decisions. They can be trusted more than anyone else. Nevertheless, they summarized the thousand-year social and moral experience of mankind and, as representatives of its childhood, were sincere modern contenders for thought. Plutarch stated that "there is not a single moral quality whose fame and influence would give rise to more envy than justice, because it usually accompanies ... great confidence among the people." Is it not to restore the lost trust of the people modern power the wealthy, who have lost the confidence of the people, created the Just Russia party, which calls itself almost socialist? Those in power began to catch the mindset of the people. But what kind of justice can there be in a country where power is in the hands of the oligarchy and the bureaucratic elite that has grown together with it. Even our gullible people can no longer trust either the parties or the state. The vast majority of voters do not want to go to the so-called elections. Once you lose trust, you can't restore it. Ordinary people can still trust only individual charismatic leaders - demagogues. That's why he's simple. Social justice in its truest sense is the denial of privileges generated by wealth and power. The Russian people, apart from its worst representatives, do not recognize the rights of wealth and the authorities go half-starved to social injustice. The people always evaluate relations in society from a moral point of view, as opposed to those in power. When people become powerful with their billions, they are known to lose their shame. An excellent modern Czech writer, well aware of the psychology of the powerful, Milan Kundera wrote: “Shame is unknown to these gentlemen, as they do not have the slightest trace of complexes. As you know, this is a property of people in power. The great Russian philosopher Vladimir Solovyov argued that a sense of shame is a quality that distinguishes a person from an animal, and those people who have no shame are worse than animals. In our time, shame seems to have disappeared altogether and shamelessness triumphs. Few people think about what it means to be human from the point of view of humanity. But the writer, before the courage and nobility of which I bow, Antoine de Saint-Exupery knew very well what it means to be a man. For him, “to be human means to feel that you are responsible for everything. You burn with shame for poverty, even though it seems to exist and not through your fault. Who among those in power in Russia burns with shame for poverty? I would love to be shown this. Is it really Boris Yeltsin or Yegor Gaidar who robbed the people and, most of all, the elderly? Banker Pyotr Aven, for example, brazenly declares that he personally does not care about the poverty of people, since his business is not sympathy for them, but an increase in profits. Thinking people of all times and peoples have always been interested in the quality of human nature. A person is good or evil, great or insignificant - these questions were given different answers depending on the time and the ideological orientation of the thinkers. The point of view prevailed that a person is both good and evil, insignificant and great, and his bad and good qualities are manifested depending on the conditions of social existence and education. Our days are characterized by deep disappointment in a man who has brought the world to the brink of death with his greed and thirst for domination. It is widely believed that a person is on the path of ever greater spiritual and moral degeneration. The cult of profit and hatred between peoples reigns on earth. Violence and murder have become commonplace and habitual. Corrupted by age-old relationships of slavery, man is unable to defeat evil on earth. The vaunted progress that was believed in in the 19th century has become a fiction. On this subject, Albert Einstein wrote bitterly in 1946: “It is unlikely that shrewd people with acute susceptibility can avoid feeling overwhelmed and alone when faced with the terrible events of our time. The confidence in the steady movement of mankind on the path to progress, which inspired people in the 19th century, has given way to general disillusionment. Of course, no one can deny the successes achieved in the field of science and technical innovations, but we know from our own experience that all these achievements cannot significantly alleviate the difficulties that fall to the lot of a person, nor ennoble his actions. . Einstein and his associates among humanist scientists considered one of the main reasons for this state of affairs to be the termination of the connection between science and ethics after it had passed to the service of increasing the power of capital and states. Einstein's words about the loss of nobility in a century scientific and technological progress acquired the character of a warning about the danger of the degeneration and death of mankind as more and more evidence of the development of the process of its spiritual and moral savagery accumulates. As if Nietzsche's prophecy that our descendants will become savages comes true. One has only to look at one of the manifestations of the return to savagery - the crowds of sports fans - to see that Nietzsche was not so far from the truth in his prediction. None of the centuries human history did not give grounds for optimistic conclusions about its ability to improve human nature and the world by transforming the moral principles of life into the norms of relations between people and nations. The German thinker Werner Sombart lamented in the first third of the 20th century that at no other time on earth was hated so much and loved so little as today. The great Voltaire, who did so much to liberate the consciousness of his time from abominations and human vices, did not have any special illusions about the fact that educational activities can make the world more respectable, and a person better. “We will leave this world as stupid and as evil as we found it,” he wrote before leaving this world. The elapsed tense seems to suggest that each new century leaves the world worse than it was in the previous century.

People in their mass are materialists, not idealists. They, being still at the barbaric stage of spiritual development, have not learned to subdue naked material interest moral principles . From material wealth, they build themselves a prison in which they close themselves from ideal needs and aspirations. They are driven to prison by "greedy interests". But the best of them have always longed for a "higher understanding," for a life of conscience in spite of greedy interest. The philosopher of "world sorrow" Arthur Schopenhauer, perhaps, spoke most sharply about the masses of people in his time. He dared to say that according to the degree of moral and intellectual development, 90% of people on earth are nonentities. It was a bold hypothesis of the thinker. Schopenhauer made such an unflattering conclusion for most people, observing his contemporaries and surveying the deeds of people of the past. The experience of the bloody twentieth century should have taught that theories of the transformation of social relations are of little value if their creators are not concerned with the problem of human quality or if they prove that this quality will automatically improve with the growth of scientific and technological progress and material well-being. Perhaps this attitude to theories was best expressed by a man of rare courage and a most talented writer, Antoine de Saint-Exupery. “What is the use of political teachings that promise the flowering of man, if we do not know in advance what kind of person they will raise? Whom will their triumph give birth to? After all, we are not cattle that need to be fed, and when one poor Pascal appears, this is incomparably more important than the birth of a dozen prosperous nonentities, ”he wrote in his beautiful work, riddled with pain for the fate of mankind,“ The Planet of People ”. And long before him, the ancient Greek philosopher Heraclitus said this about this: “One is worth ten thousand if he is the best.” The engines of human progress are not the masses, not the collective mediocrity. The masses with a head are bad. They are only the implementers of the ideas of their leaders and the executors of their will. The engines of human progress are few. They, as the thinker John Stuart Mill proved, "are the salt of the earth, without them human life would turn into a stagnant puddle." I am convinced that nothing shines for humanity if more and more pascals and less and less prosperous nonentities appear. In the meantime, throughout its history, mankind has been engaged in the destruction of the best and the increase in nonentities. Getting rid of giant people, humanity loses quality. In this regard, Russia claims to be "ahead of the rest of the planet." Having lived for quite a long time and having learned many prosaic truths, I came to the conclusion that only one thing can be the main indicator of true progress - the spiritual and moral growth of a person, capable of ensuring an improvement in the quality of human nature. A noble person, according to the teachings of Confucius, is a person who is morally educated. From this point of view, the time I lived gave reason to believe that it was a time of regression, the loss of many of the best human qualities among my contemporaries, of course, not all, but perhaps the majority, judging by my personal experience. A small correction is needed: from experience no conclusion can be drawn that would have the character of universality. The general in man is stronger than the individual. The general is what relationships in society make of a person. After all, criminals are not born, although there are pathological exceptions. They make people criminals public relations. With the decomposition of power systems, the moral and intellectual level of both rulers and society as a whole decreases. Tsarist Russia on the eve of its fall is a convincing example of this. The Russian philosopher and economist Sergei Bulgakov wrote at the time: "The tone of life gives mediocrity, mental and moral insignificance." In the Soviet system on the eve of its death, the dominance of nonentities at the top of power was complete. I lived my life together with the disintegration of the totalitarian system and became convinced that the system was never interested in the moral qualities of people, no matter what “moral codes” it hypocritically covered up. On the contrary, it was objectively interested in lowering these qualities. The worse they were, the more stable she felt. Nonsense is easy to rule. The neglect of the quality of human material was objectively laid down by the founder of the Soviet state V.I. Lenin. Arguing with his social democratic opponents, who argued that the transition to socialism requires enlightened people, individuals with a developed class self-consciousness, Lenin wrote in his work “The State and Revolution”: “No, we want a socialist revolution with such people as now who will not do without subordination, without control, without "overseers" and accountants. Lenin believed that communist society would be realized not by virtue of improving the quality of people through moral education, but by virtue of coercion, organization, drill. This utopia failed him. Soviet society has shown that it cannot be organized in such a way that bad human material - the "Sharikovs", being subjected to drill and brainwashing, acquire the qualities necessary to create a society more perfect than the bourgeois one. "Sharikovs" wore all old world in itself, he was their essence, and it was impossible to pull him out of them with drill. Inside them, the old world took shape over thousands of years. The French Revolution, like the Russian Revolution, with the exception of idealist ascetics, was made bad people- those whom Herzen called revolutionaries by social position, and not by moral conviction. The main interest of such revolutionaries was to take power and take the place of those whom they overthrew, to become a new ruling class with the lifestyle of the overthrown. The Bolsheviks, for example, replaced capitalist officials and called this replacement socialism. Incidentally, Marx and Engels realized, it is true, in their declining years, the significance of the quality of human material in a revolution. In a letter to Engels dated February 1863, Marx wrote that they had lost the naive illusions and childish enthusiasm associated with revolutions. “Now we know,” wrote Marx, “what role stupidity plays in revolutions and how they know how to exploit it.” And then Marx adds, moving on to the characterization of the former Russian revolutionaries: "This does not prevent the same Russians from becoming scoundrels when they enter the civil service." The Bolsheviks never set main goal his revolution to improve the quality of the people and the nation as a whole. True, they declared that they wanted to create a new man. But what was new in such a person should have been only unconditional devotion to the cause of the party, that is, to the cause of its leaders. They believed that their socialism would automatically solve the problem of creating such a submissive person to their power. In contrast to them, the French Revolution considered the goal of improving the quality of man and the nation as its main ultimate goal. The enlighteners, who prepared the revolution with their ideas, had a very low opinion of the quality of the nation at the stage of decomposition of the feudal monarchy. So, for example, Helvetius, observing his contemporaries, was indignant: “This people will no longer be able to glorify the name of the French again. This degraded nation is now an object of contempt for all of Europe. No saving crisis will return her freedom. She will die of exhaustion." Predictions are always risky when it comes to a nation. The French found the strength to rush to freedom, but only in order to acquire a new lack of freedom. Consumerism also generates a consumer attitude towards people. It destroys the moral ties between people, as I have seen in my personal experience. The need to communicate with a person appears when they want to get something from him.

It remains only to hope that in our people those moral forces have been preserved, which inequality as a source of stratification

Stratification - the Russian conceptual analogue of the term "stratification" recognized in world sociology - reflects the process of development of social inequality and hierarchical grouping of people at social levels that differ in prestige, property and power. E. Giddens defines it as "structured inequalities between different groups of people", each of which differs in the volume and nature of social privileges. T. Parsons considers stratification through the prism of integrative social institutions as "the main, although by no means the only, focus of structural conflict in social systems", highlighting the criteria of prestige and power as the leading differentiating grounds.

The foundations of social life are in everyday interactions, and habitual stereotypes help people in their general semantic context to understand each other's state and behavior in their own way. And the greater the social distance between representatives of different social communities in the temporal, spatial or status sense, the more rigid the stereotype of perception and interpretation. “Social structure is the sum total of these typifications and the repetitive nature of the interactions they create. Social structure as such is an important element of reality in everyday life»*. This world of mutual stereotypes and attributed motives is the same structured public space in which recognition, nomination, social norms and opinions organize, separate people and entire communities into clearly defined places, defining their privileges, duties and rules of interaction. From this perspective, the study of social structure and culture (in its sociological sense) become identical.

Since the concept of stratification covers both evolutionary (layered) and revolutionary (stratifying) social changes, it is necessary to pay attention to the peculiarities of the development of inequality on a variety of grounds, in all segments of society.

Considering the personality as a product of society (as an object, product, result of cultural production in broad sense), one can interpret inequality as the inequality of development conditions, injustice, infringement of natural human rights, deceit, punishment, alienation, creation of artificial social barriers, monopolization of conditions and rules (protectionist and dumping) of social reproduction.

Considering a person as an active creator of society (as a subject, producer, source of constant changes in society), one can imagine inequality as a social good, a way to equalize starting positions due to competition, as a mechanism for securing a newly won social position and the privileges that accompany it, an incentive system (reward and punishment). ), a condition for the priority of "passionarity", maintaining the potential for survival, social activity, creativity, innovation.

Having different points of reference, we get alternative conclusions according to the same criterion (justice): firstly, inequality is unfair, since all people have equal rights; secondly, inequality is fair, as it allows differential and targeted compensation of the social costs of different people.

Inequality as a Structure Stabilizer

People are endowed with consciousness, will and activity, therefore, in society, inequality manifests itself as a system of advantages. The system of priorities is very complex, but the principle of its operation is simple: the regulation of social survival factors. Social advantages can be associated with an advantageous position in the social disposition, ease of movement to privileged social strata, a monopoly on socially significant factors and are arranged by all those characteristics that demonstrate an increase in the degree of social freedom and security.

The classics of the "classics" (O. Comte, G. Spencer), "modern" (M. Weber, P. Sorokin, T. Parsons) and postmodern sociology (for example, P. Bourdieu) speak directly about the fundamental and inviolable principle of social inequality and its high functional significance for the organization of communities. Modifications undergo specific forms of inequality, the principle itself always manifests itself.

“And if for a moment some forms of stratification are destroyed, then they reappear in the old or modified form and are often created by the hands of the equalizers themselves,” says P. Sorokin. He connects inequality with the hierarchical structure of society and names a number of reasons for the establishment of stable social forms inequalities that stratify society vertically, including growth in the number, diversity and heterogeneity of united people, the need to maintain group stability, spontaneous self-differentiation, and the functional distribution of activities in the community.

Another aspect of causality is seen in the concepts of the theory of social action by T. Parsons. It focuses on the unique and therefore fundamental functions social system which for this reason acquire the character of a social monopoly. The indispensability, obligatoriness and qualitative difference of these functions predetermine the specialization and professionalization (assignment) of separate social groups to them, where energetically saturated (economic, productive) communities are subject to information-saturated ones (political, law-supporting and culturally reproducing).

Another well-known explanatory model of the objective necessity of social inequality was formulated by Marxism. In it, social inequality is derived from economic relations, the institutionalization of the exclusive right to dispose of the beneficial effect that is created when using the means of production. Social monopolization of scarce resources in industrial societies is constituted in the system of subjects of ownership. Thus, social inequality, class division, exploitation as a way of hierarchical interaction of large social groups in the economic era are considered as objective consequences of the internal laws of development of Western-type societies.

In the stratum-forming model of the American Marxist E. Wright, along with the factor of property ownership, a second no less significant factor stands out - the attitude to power, which is specifically interpreted as a place in the system of social management. At the same time, the very idea of the multifactorial nature of social stratification and the recognition of the differentiating role of the monopoly on the social function of public administration play an important role.

M. Weber believed that the process of social stratification and the occupation of more advantageous positions in society is organized quite complicated, highlighting three coordinates that determine the position of people and groups in social space; wealth, power, social prestige. Such a model is not just multifactorial, it marks the transition from a focused and linear to a spatial exploratory vision of the problem, when the dynamics of social dispositions is actually seen as a system of vector displacements.

Thus, the significance of the Weberian approach lies in the fact that he shed a new light on the so-called objective and subjective criteria of stratification, which was later formulated as follows: what people consider the criterion of social position becomes a real source of social structuring and regulation of relations between them.

P. Bourdieu developed the concept of the role of prestige, reputation, name, official nomination in the idea of symbolic capital, which, along with economic, cultural and social capital, determines the influence (power) and position of its bearer in the public space. Bourdieu's ideas about the structuring of society give a new perspective to the development of the theory of inequality, on the one hand, generalizing the idea of the influence of a social subject on society (in the concept of "capital"), and on the other hand, formulating the idea of multidimensionality (hence, "alternativeness") of social space. “The social field can be described as such a multidimensional space of positions in which any existing position can be defined based on a multidimensional coordinate system, the values of which are correlated with the corresponding various variables,” he says.

The Russian philosopher N. Berdyaev considered inequality to be one of the fundamental characteristics of life, noting that every life system is hierarchical and has its own aristocracy. Studying the phenomena of social inequality and structuring, not only critical conflictologists (from K. Marx to R. Dahrendorf), but also functionalists who positively perceive them (from E. Durkheim to E. Giddens), mainly turned to complex dynamic characteristics, elements and consequences social hierarchy.

One of the fundamental human needs is stability and predictability (“security”, according to A. Maslow), as shown by A. Touraine in the “sociology of action” and D. Homans in the “exchange theory of interaction”, it fixes the channels of social mobility, streamlining competition and using special filtration mechanisms of the system of social displacements. Another need - for social promotion and recognition, which is confirmed by V. Pareto, K. Kumar, P. Bourdieu and even I. Wallerstein within different research traditions - determines the intensity of social dynamics, the distribution of channels of social movements and the pulsation of their filling.

Revolts against inequality in social practice seldom have the vulgar character of a struggle for the triumph of equalizing principles. The desire to implement "justice" as a more adequate system of inequality can be traced in the formulas "Equal pay - for equal work", "To each according to his needs", "Freedom to the strong - protection to the weak", etc., in which alternative social demands demonstrate a common striving for paradoxical (differentiated) equality. Thus, in every society an asymmetric system of social inequality is created, where the usual structuring mechanisms different groups can even be confrontational in nature, although to a large extent they are still agreed with each other.

The most prominent models of social stratification are slavery, castes, estates and classes. In them, attribution to a certain social stratum is accompanied by strict social regulation of people's activities and behavior, but the very principles of social structuring detonate destruction. social order. This is how E. Durkheim explains "imperfect solidarity". He considers the violation of solidarity as a natural course of the cultural process, introducing the concepts of "moral infection", intra-group generation of talents, cultivation ("... they became smarter, richer, more numerous, and their tastes and desires changed as a result"). Durkheim postulates the idea, which was later confirmed in their studies by M. Mead and K. Kluckhohn: in order for cultural and social assimilation to become possible, communities that absorb and transmit social patterns to each other must have common cultural foundations. So, in a situation where the cultural field is developing, and social functions are already fixed, the agreement between the abilities of individuals and the types of activities intended for them is violated.

Conclusion

social revolution inequality justice

The source of all social revolutions is the growth of social inequality in society. No reform can be morally justified in the eyes of the people if it leads to an increase in social inequality. At all times, justice is a moral imperative. Justice requires doing things that are beneficial to the majority of society. The pursuit of personal gain destroys justice. Morality and profit, as I was convinced from my own life experience, are antipodes. Where there is equality, there is no profit, said the sages of the past. Where there is equality, the feeling of envy dies. A simple Russian person, in contrast to our liberal intellectual elite, is convinced that if there is no justice in a society, then it turns into a gang of robbers, or, more precisely, into an organized crime society. I remember that in the early 1990s, the ideologists and propagandists of liberalism declared justice to be a harmful idea, incompatible with a market economy. They were right: the market and justice are really incompatible things. As their homegrown economists said, "fairness is not an economic concept." The market, as a mechanism for allocating resources in a commodity-money economy, has its merits, but it does not and cannot know what justice is. The principle prevails in the market: who wins competition. There is no mercy. “Competition is inherent in the animal instinct of an entrepreneur,” states such an expert in the psychology of market relations as American economist John Galbraith, and adds: “The power of the strong in the market remains outside the scope of the law. But this is partly masked by attacks on the attempts of the weak to achieve the same power. The power of the strong in the market is inhuman. There is nothing to say about the trampling of private property, especially acquired by unrighteous means. Private property has brought to mankind the accumulation of wealth and justice, but it has expelled from it justice and the solidarity of people. Man became a wolf to man. Capitalism affirms a private, selfish interest in relations between people and denies a unifying common interest. Thus, he rejects the relationship of mutual assistance and, in general, the relationship of humanity between people. You can lie sick in a room in the West, but don't try to ask your friends or neighbors for help. You will be told: "That's your problem." I was convinced of this from my own experience when I was on a business trip to the United States. Russia has not yet reached such privacy.

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SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIAL EQUALITY

Social justice should be understood as providing a job for every able-bodied person, receiving decent wages, social security for the disabled and children without parents, free access of citizens to education, healthcare, culture, sports, etc.

In a market economy, competition forces the entrepreneur to direct his efforts to meet the needs of society. But it by no means prevents the successful entrepreneur from getting rich, if he correctly grasps the demands of the market. This creates a strong motivation for entrepreneurial activity, contributes to the progress of the economy. But at the same time, the market system encourages the social injustice of society.

Economic power is concentrated in the hands of resource owners. On the contrary, a significant part of the population is deprived of ownership of productive resources, which gives rise to its economic dependence. It is no coincidence that in society some act as employers, while others act as employees. There is a differentiation of incomes, property stratification, enrichment of some and impoverishment of others. In other words, the market system itself does not automatically provide social justice.

The possibilities of implementing the principle of social justice in each country at a certain stage of its development are determined by the actual state of the economy.

Social justice can only be achieved with high rates of economic growth, creating financial opportunities for solutions social problems not only by the state, but also by other entities.

A high level of the country's socio-economic development, sustainable economic growth, a system of distribution and redistribution of income, maintaining a minimum acceptable standard of living for a non-working population are necessary conditions for achieving the principle of social justice.

Along with the concept of social justice, there is also the concept of social equality.

Social equality is the creation of relatively equal conditions for the comprehensive development of each person and his ability to work, maintaining the maximum allowable differences in the incomes of the population, equal responsibility of all citizens before the laws of the country, regardless of personal wealth and position. Implementation of the principle of social equality meets economic interests both for each individual and for society as a whole. By creating conditions for the normal development of each person, the state multiplies the economic return of the entire population of the country and thereby increases social investment in each person.

social function The market economy is limited, which requires its expansion at the macro level by the social activities of the state, and at the micro level by the social activities of other economic entities (enterprises and organizations), various non-governmental organizations (trade unions, foundations, as well as public, religious and charitable organizations).

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Among the most important theoretical problems social philosophy, one can single out the problem of social justice, social equality. No real model yet social structure, in which complete equality could be realized. The problem of social inequality arose simultaneously with the formation of human society. Even the ancient Greek philosopher Plato reflected on the stratification of people into rich and poor. Aristotle in "Politics" also considered the issue of social inequality. He wrote that now in all states there are three elements: one class is very rich; the other is very poor; the third is the middle one. This third one is the best, because its members are most ready to follow the rational principle according to the conditions of life. It is from the poor and the rich that some grow up as criminals, and others as swindlers. Realistically reflecting on the stability of the state, Aristotle noted that it is necessary to think about the poor, because the state, where many poor people are excluded from government, will inevitably have many enemies. After all, poverty gives rise to rebellion and crime where there is no middle class and the vast majority of the poor, complications arise, and the state is doomed to death. Aristotle opposed both the power of the poor, dispossessed, and the selfish rule of the rich plutocracy. The best society is formed from the middle class, and the state, where this class is more numerous and stronger than both others put together, is best governed, for the social balance is ensured.

Of decisive importance for the formation of modern ideas about the essence, forms and functions of social inequality, along with K. Marx, was M. Weber, a classic of world sociological theory. He sought to develop an alternative analysis from the multiple sources of social hierarchy.

In contrast to K. Marx, M. Weber, in addition to the economic aspect of stratification, also took into account such aspects as power and prestige. Weber considered property, power and prestige as three separate, interacting factors that underlie hierarchies in any society. Differences in ownership give rise to economic classes; differences of power give rise to political parties, and differences of prestige give rise to status groupings or strata. From here he formulated his idea of "three autonomous dimensions of stratification". He emphasized that classes, status troupes and parties are phenomena related to the distribution of power within the community.

M. Weber did not accept common in his time ideas about the harmony of class relations th. For M. Weber, freedom of contract in the market meant the freedom of the owner to exploit the worker. However, there were significant differences between him and Marx on this issue. For M. Weber class conflict over the distribution of resources was a natural feature of any society. He did not even try to dream of a world of harmony and equality. From his point of view, property is only one of the sources of differentiation of people, and its elimination will only lead to the emergence of new ones.

M. Weber considered it necessary to recognize the fact that the "law of domination" is an objective technological law. He emphasized that rationalization meant the division of society into a ruling class of owners, guided solely by their own interests, and a dispossessed working class, forced to accept its lot under the threat of starvation.

Thus, Weber's interpretation of social inequality suggests that three types of stratification hierarchies exist and interact in it on the same human material, appearing in different configurations. They are largely independent of each other and from different sides and on different principles streamline and stabilize the behavior of members of society.

Justice- the concept of due, associated with historically changing ideas about inalienable human rights. Fairness implies the requirement of conformity between the practical role of a person or social group in the life of society and their social position, between their rights and duties, deeds and rewards, labor and rewards, crime and punishment, the merits of people and their public recognition. Justice always has a historical character, rooted in the conditions of life of people (classes).

According to Socrates, justice is following wisdom, true knowledge, the order of things, laws. Plato's justice is the crown of the four virtues of an ideal state: justice - wisdom - courage - prudence. Aristotle states: "The concept of justice is connected with the idea of the state ...". For a long period, the concept of justice was included in the framework of the theological worldview. Justice was associated in the public mind as fixing " divine order', an expression of the will of God. The theological worldview was replaced by a legal worldview as capitalist relations developed. F. Bacon argued that justice is what unites people and creates the basis for law. T. Hobbes in Leviathan writes as follows: “Justice, i.e. compliance with agreements is a rule of reason that forbids us to do anything that is harmful to our lives, from which it follows that justice is a natural law. Marxism claims that justice is an expression of existing economic relations wrapped in an ideological shell, its content and condition depend on existing method production, therefore, everything that does not correspond to a given mode of production is unjust.

Such an evolutionary transformation of the concept of justice has led to the now known, above, which defines justice as, first of all, the concept of due.

Social policy as a means of realizing social justice.

"Social justice" and equality.

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It remains only to hope that in our people those moral forces have been preserved, which inequality as a source of stratification

Inequality as a Structure Stabilizer

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SOCIAL JUSTICE AND SOCIAL EQUALITY